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 Post subject: Re: Politics / Elections
PostPosted: 05 Jun 09, 11:12 
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American states lift 47-year ban as Cuba comes in from the cold
By David Usborne in New York
Independent


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 Post subject: Re: Politics / Elections
PostPosted: 05 Jun 09, 20:38 
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Tories 'winning across England'
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 Post subject: Re: Politics / Elections
PostPosted: 06 Jun 09, 9:30 
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Wilders strikes first blow for European extremists
Fears that low turnout and gains by far right will be repeated across the EU

By Claire Soares and John Lichfield in Paris
Independent


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 Post subject: Re: Politics / Elections
PostPosted: 09 Jun 09, 8:12 
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Rout of the soft left: Europe veers right to beat recession
Angry voters stayed home in record numbers but did not flock to extremists


By John Lichfield and Vanessa Mock
Independent


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 Post subject: Re: Politics / Elections
PostPosted: 09 Jun 09, 21:11 
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BNP leader flees after being pelted with eggs
By Sam Marsden, Press Association
Independent


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 Post subject: Re: Politics / Elections
PostPosted: 09 Jun 09, 21:14 
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BNP leader Nick Griffin pelted with eggs outside Parliament - video
timesonline


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 Post subject: Re: Politics / Elections
PostPosted: 09 Jun 09, 21:24 
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BNP to get Commons passes

By Channel 4 News

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 Post subject: Re: Politics / Elections
PostPosted: 10 Jun 09, 23:31 
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BNP leader Nick Griffin calls for police to 'get a grip' on protesters
By GRAHAM GURRIN
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 Post subject: Re: Politics / Elections
PostPosted: 12 Jun 09, 8:30 
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The Big Hate

By PAUL KRUGMAN

Back in April, there was a huge fuss over an internal report by the Department of Homeland Security warning that current conditions resemble those in the early 1990s — a time marked by an upsurge of right-wing extremism that culminated in the Oklahoma City bombing.


Conservatives were outraged. The chairman of the Republican National Committee denounced the report as an attempt to “segment out conservatives in this country who have a different philosophy or view from this administration” and label them as terrorists.

But with the murder of Dr. George Tiller by an anti-abortion fanatic, closely followed by a shooting by a white supremacist at the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, the analysis looks prescient.

There is, however, one important thing that the D.H.S. report didn’t say: Today, as in the early years of the Clinton administration but to an even greater extent, right-wing extremism is being systematically fed by the conservative media and political establishment.

Now, for the most part, the likes of Fox News and the R.N.C. haven’t directly incited violence, despite Bill O’Reilly’s declarations that “some” called Dr. Tiller “Tiller the Baby Killer,” that he had “blood on his hands,” and that he was a “guy operating a death mill.” But they have gone out of their way to provide a platform for conspiracy theories and apocalyptic rhetoric, just as they did the last time a Democrat held the White House.

And at this point, whatever dividing line there was between mainstream conservatism and the black-helicopter crowd seems to have been virtually erased.

Exhibit A for the mainstreaming of right-wing extremism is Fox News’s new star, Glenn Beck. Here we have a network where, like it or not, millions of Americans get their news — and it gives daily airtime to a commentator who, among other things, warned viewers that the Federal Emergency Management Agency might be building concentration camps as part of the Obama administration’s “totalitarian” agenda (although he eventually conceded that nothing of the kind was happening).

But let’s not neglect the print news media. In the Bush years, The Washington Times became an important media player because it was widely regarded as the Bush administration’s house organ. Earlier this week, the newspaper saw fit to run an opinion piece declaring that President Obama “not only identifies with Muslims, but actually may still be one himself,” and that in any case he has “aligned himself” with the radical Muslim Brotherhood.

And then there’s Rush Limbaugh. His rants today aren’t very different from his rants in 1993. But he occupies a different position in the scheme of things. Remember, during the Bush years Mr. Limbaugh became very much a political insider. Indeed, according to a recent Gallup survey, 10 percent of Republicans now consider him the “main person who speaks for the Republican Party today,” putting him in a three-way tie with Dick Cheney and Newt Gingrich. So when Mr. Limbaugh peddles conspiracy theories — suggesting, for example, that fears over swine flu were being hyped “to get people to respond to government orders” — that’s a case of the conservative media establishment joining hands with the lunatic fringe.

It’s not surprising, then, that politicians are doing the same thing. The R.N.C. says that “the Democratic Party is dedicated to restructuring American society along socialist ideals.” And when Jon Voight, the actor, told the audience at a Republican fund-raiser this week that the president is a “false prophet” and that “we and we alone are the right frame of mind to free this nation from this Obama oppression,” Mitch McConnell, the Senate minority leader, thanked him, saying that he “really enjoyed” the remarks.

Credit where credit is due. Some figures in the conservative media have refused to go along with the big hate — people like Fox’s Shepard Smith and Catherine Herridge, who debunked the attacks on that Homeland Security report two months ago. But this doesn’t change the broad picture, which is that supposedly respectable news organizations and political figures are giving aid and comfort to dangerous extremism.

What will the consequences be? Nobody knows, of course, although the analysts at Homeland Security fretted that things may turn out even worse than in the 1990s — that thanks, in part, to the election of an African-American president, “the threat posed by lone wolves and small terrorist cells is more pronounced than in past years.”

And that’s a threat to take seriously. Yes, the worst terrorist attack in our history was perpetrated by a foreign conspiracy. But the second worst, the Oklahoma City bombing, was perpetrated by an all-American lunatic. Politicians and media organizations wind up such people at their, and our, peril.
NYT


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 Post subject: Re: Politics / Elections
PostPosted: 12 Jun 09, 8:33 
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Lebanon’s Triumph, Iran’s Travesty


By ELLIOTT ABRAMS


WITH elections in Lebanon and Iran occurring in the same week, it’s inevitable that they are viewed as twin tests of efforts to spread democracy to the Muslim world. Should we celebrate the outcome in Lebanon and push for elections throughout the Middle East, or sourly note that Hezbollah has exactly as many guns now as it had when it was defeated at the polls on Sunday? Is the Iranian presidential election today a festival of freedom or a cover for theocracy?

What the United States should be promoting is not elections, but free elections, and the voting in Lebanon passed any realistic test. Anyone who wanted to run could run. The participation rate was 53 percent, close to our turnout in last year’s presidential race. By all accounts the votes were counted fairly. There are rumors about large amounts of Saudi money floating in to support the victorious March 14 coalition, but so what? Hezbollah gets at least $200 million a year from Iran. It is striking that the losers are not crying foul; they too agree the election was fundamentally fair.

However, was it fair but meaningless, given Hezbollah’s military might? That is not the judgment of the winners — the pro-Western March 14 group — who believe they have crippled any claim by Hezbollah and its leader, Hassan Nasrallah, to speak for the Lebanese people.

Hezbollah’s inability to win support outside its Shiite base, along with the poor showing of its Christian ally, Gen. Michel Aoun, leaves Sheik Nasrallah diminished and less able to drag Lebanon into another war with Israel. He will play hardball, no doubt, in the negotiations over the next Lebanese government, and he retains the ability to take over downtown Beirut as he did in May 2008. But such displays of power were apparently the exact kind of thing that turned off swing voters — mostly Christians — and Hezbollah now uses them at its political peril.

We should not idealize Lebanon’s election, nor its politics. Most voters support only candidates from their own religious group, and the political talk is not of liberals and conservatives but of Armenians, Maronites, Druze, Shiites and Sunnis. Some districts seem as permanently owned by one family as any “rotten borough” in 19th-century England. Still, the election produced a consequential result: the majority of Lebanese have rejected Hezbollah’s claim that it is not a terrorist group but a “national resistance.”

Unfortunately, Iran’s election today presents the voters with no similar opportunity. There is no chance for voters to register their opposition to the theocratic system or tell the ayatollahs to go back to the mosques. The candidates have been carefully screened to exclude anyone opposed to the ruling clerical establishment; each is part of the Islamic Revolution’s old guard.

Nor is it likely that the votes will be fairly counted; indeed most analysts concluded that the 2005 election was manipulated to produce Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s presidential victory. Vote destruction and ballot stuffing are easy in a hidden process controlled by the Interior Ministry. And if all else fails, the 12-man Guardian Council has the power to throw out the results in districts where there were “problems” — problems like a reformist victory.

Voting in Iran is a contrivance for settling certain policy disputes and personal rivalries within the ruling elite. Elections are not without meaning; if Mr. Ahmadinejad loses, it may result in more sensible economic policies and fewer loud calls for the destruction of Israel. But Iran doesn’t hold elections for supreme leader — Ayatollah Ali Khameini will hold that post for the indefinite future — and the failed presidency of Mohammad Khatami from 1997 to 2005 reminds us that the power of a putative reformist is illusory. The Khatami years saw increased repression inside Iran, growing support for Hezbollah and Palestinian terrorist groups, and the covert construction of the uranium enrichment facility at Natanz.

Mr. Ahmadinejad’s defeat would probably be welcomed abroad as a sign that Iran is moving away from his policies, but Iran’s policies aren’t his — they are dictated by Ayatollah Khamenei and his supporters in the Revolutionary Guard and Basij paramilitary. In fact, a victory by Mr. Ahmadinejad’s main challenger, Mir Hussein Moussavi, is more likely to change Western policy toward Iran than to change Iran’s own conduct. If the delusion that a new president would surely mean new opportunities to negotiate away Iran’s nuclear program strikes Western leaders, solidarity might give way to pre-emptive concessions.

Elections matter, but how much they matter depends entirely on how free, open and fair they are. The Lebanese had a chance to vote against Hezbollah, and took the opportunity. Iranians, unfortunately, are being given no similar chance to decide who they really want to govern them.

Elliott Abrams, who was a deputy national security adviser in the George W. Bush administration, is a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations.
NYT


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 Post subject: Re: Politics / Elections
PostPosted: 12 Jun 09, 8:35 
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Tehran’s Eternal Youth



By CAMELIA ENTEKHABIFARD


IN the days leading up to the Iranian presidential election today, the world has watched as voters in the streets of Tehran rallied for the reformist candidate, Mir Hussein Moussavi, demanding “a government of hope.” Yes, Iranians have demonstrated this kind of passion before. But young Iranians now seem more likely to fight for their rights and die trying, rather than abandon their country and seek asylum abroad as so many of us have done over the last 30 years.

I remember the giddiness that my 16-year-old brother and I felt during Mohammad Khatami’s 1997 presidential campaign. Tehran was abuzz with excitement. Almost everyone seemed to despise his opponent, Ali Akbar Nategh-Nouri.

“Don’t tear yourselves to pieces — the election will be fixed, and all of a sudden Nategh will be president," passers-by would warn us as we gathered in the streets. But we didn’t listen. I remember high school boys handing out campaign fliers and shouting, “For the sake of democracy, for the sake of freedom, vote for Khatami!"

We thought that Mr. Khatami’s victory was a victory for us as well. The election of a more democratic government seemed to be a bright new beginning. I believed the new president could change my life. I wanted freedom of speech, democracy, equality and justice. At age 25, I was among the first group of reform-minded journalists to work for the new newspapers that quickly sprung up.

But within less than a year of the election, the journalists, reformists and intellectuals began to be persecuted by hard-liners in the judiciary and Intelligence Ministry. With our colleagues and friends being arrested, fired or expelled from college, we began to fear for our lives. I continued questioning the regime until the newspaper I worked for, Zan, was closed by the judiciary in the spring of 1999. I was arrested and held in solitary confinement for three months. After my release, I eventually escaped the country I believed I could no longer reform.

When the second generation of the post-revolution era — my brother’s generation — became eligible to vote, many of them no longer felt any desire to put their weight behind a candidate they believed would ultimately disappoint. When Mr. Khatami ran for re-election in 2001, I was already in my own exile in the United States, and my brother and mother in Iran were no longer interested in marching through the streets of Tehran. “People are excited for nothing,” my brother says to me even now when I urge him to vote. But many younger Iranians clearly disagree with him.

So what makes today’s activists different? First of all, a large swath of this “third wave” of voters includes young people who do not remember the Iran-Iraq war of the 1980s and its related traumas. The ordeals that we suffered immediately after the 1979 revolution are just history to them. Today’s voters probably never had to lie to schoolteachers trying to ferret out damaging information about their families. Iranians may be far from free, but they do not endure the fear we experienced daily.

I used to consider myself among the most outspoken critics in Iran. But I would have never dared to stage a loud protest against a sitting president, as Iranian students did in 2007. We were brave, but we were relatively on our own, and thus easier for the government to single out. Now, Iranians form a 12-mile human chain in support of Mr. Moussavi, and women are seeking one million signatures for a petition for gender quality. Thanks to YouTube, Facebook and blogs, it’s easier for young people to organize, express their grievances and learn personal information about top officials.

Some Iranians, fully aware of the potential consequences of confronting the regime, are still more than willing to do so. This gives me hope that today’s activists — the true children of the revolution — will continue to fight no matter who wins this election.

Camelia Entekhabifard is the author of “Camelia: Save Yourself by Telling the Truth.”
NYT


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 Post subject: Re: Politics / Elections
PostPosted: 12 Jun 09, 9:29 
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Robert Fisk: Iran's old guard are poised to crush any hope of revolution
The West has no right to expect the polls to bring in radical change



All the world wants to know the results of today's presidential election in Iran, not least the Republican Guard supporters of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. But will it make a difference, either to the Iranians or to the rest of the world?

Of course the West wants to be told that this dramatic poll will change Iran's desire for nuclear facilities. Whatever it is, this election is not about nuclear power. It may be about presidential arrogance and stupidity and fear, or about responsible government or unemployment or the economy. But the West should abandon hope of any real change in Iran's nuclear strategy. Mirhossein Mousavi may talk more sense to the Americans – if he wins – but the nuclear facilities will keep functioning. It is all a matter of pride in Iran – where pride is a special quality.

And the thick, dark skin of clerical rule that covers Iran will remain, scratched occasionally perhaps, but unable to bleed or to re-imagine history or to reform a nation which so badly needs the change that only Mousavi, among the candidates, dreams of. Government for and by the dead – symbolised in the continued "supreme leader" ethos that old Ayatollah Khomeini constructed before his death, has effectively sealed off Iran from those human rights which obsess the West.

Only one month ago, a 22-year-old woman was dragged shrieking to the gallows as she pleaded with her mother on a mobile phone to save her. Delara Darabi was hanged for a murder supposedly committed – if indeed she was guilty – at the age of 17. In any Western election, this would cause an earthquake, the resignation of governments, the destruction of whole political parties. In Iran, the most serious scandal involving a woman during this election has been an apparently slanderous remark by President Ahmadinejad about the university qualifications of Mousavi's wife. Is there something sick in all this? Or is savage childishness the word we are looking for?

Mousavi is at least backed by the saintly ex-president Mohamed Khatami – the West's rejection of his rule brought us the triumph of the oddball Ahmadinejad, another victory for America at the time – and this might just give Mousavi the 50 per cent plus one seat for a clear win. But the Basiji and the Iranian Republican Guard Corps (IRGC) scream about velvet and green revolutions à la Ukraine, as if threatening a coup to overthrow a coup. It is interesting to remember that only a month ago, the corps stated that "on the eve of elections, the IRGC, as a matter of policy, does not let its official and contractual personnel nor the special Basiji interfere in election affairs, including support for or against a particular candidate." A month is clearly a long time in Iranian politics.

True, the campaign has given us some spectacular television bust-ups in which Ahmadinejad's loopy views on the world – not to mention his doubts about the Jewish Holocaust – have been held up to ridicule by Mousavi. But does that have them laughing in the millions of villages and hundreds of cities across Iran where the poor last gave their vote to the humble man who is the incumbent President and claimed a "halo" shone around him at the United Nations, causing his listeners not to blink for 25 minutes?

Iranian politics has always produced a weird combination of sacred old men and smart economists – occasionally in highly unsacred coalition – and Mousavi's steady hand as prime minister during the Somme-like Iran-Iraq war may add to his popularity. But this was a war fought largely by the Basiji and the Republican Guards – as Ahmadinejad is well aware – and which Iran lost.

And now to find on the very eve of the election that Ahmadinejad is threatening to jail his opponents because of what he claims are their Hitler-like lies is surely moving towards infantilism of a unique kind. It is certainly odd that Ahmadinejad denies Hitler's greatest crime and then accuses his opponents of being Hitler. If Hitler didn't kill the Jews of Europe, which crimes, one wonders, was Iran's weird President thinking of?
Independent


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 Post subject: Re: Politics / Elections
PostPosted: 13 Jun 09, 22:52 
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Robert Fisk: A divided country united by the spirit of democracy
Robert Fisk in Tehran witnesses an outpouring of democratic fervour and a divided country united by the spirit of democracy

independent


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 Post subject: Re: Politics / Elections
PostPosted: 13 Jun 09, 23:20 
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Politics by Carol Ann Duffy
How it makes of your face a stone

that aches to weep, of your heart a fist,

clenched or thumping, sweating blood, of your tongue

an iron latch with no door. How it makes of your right hand

a gauntlet, a glove-puppet of the left, of your laugh

a dry leaf blowing in the wind, of your desert island discs

hiss hiss hiss, makes of the words on your lips dice

that can throw no six. How it takes the breath

away, the piss, makes of your kiss a dropped pound coin,

makes of your promises latin, gibberish, feedback, static,

of your hair a wig, of your gait a plankwalk. How it says this –

politics – to your education education education; shouts this –

Politics! – to your health and wealth; how it roars, to your

conscience moral compass truth, POLITICS POLITICS POLITICS.


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 Post subject: Re: Politics / Elections
PostPosted: 21 Jun 09, 19:34 
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Iran on the brink: Leadership begins to split in wake of bloody riots as BBC man is told to leave the country

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